Blog Page 512

Essay Crisis

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The transient turning of pages when the words no longer start to make sense,
When the lights suddenly start feeling too bright,
yet your room still seems to be about as dark as these intangible thoughts that cloud your mind.

People often say that progress,
is not always linear. 

and p r o g r e s s,

sometimes doesn’t always look like 2,000 words* (including citations) on a Microsoft Word document;
and that’s okay.

Stand-still water by the side of the table, held by a transparent glass so fragile you wonder what it would take for it to break and spill over 

you start to think if the glass of water can sometimes be as a metaphor of your life: the vulnerability of your arguments in this essay being so…
see through,
so breakable,
so fragile.

Where everything might be a little bit. too much:

Bubbles of gas trapped underneath the surface of still,
coffee breath at 2 o’clock in the morning;

Time starts to feel so stagnant in this strange world of yours. 

Your existence slips into in a limbo –
And these long nights always feel like a fever dream;
Blurring the boundaries between reality and obscurity,
it becomes hard to tell the difference.

Always feeling like a dead body can also sometimes mean
that it takes so much to do so little,
and progress sometimes feels nonexistent.

The clock in the corner of your room ticking like a time bomb,
its volume amplified as loud as your chaotic thoughts,
Loud,
Chaotic thoughts
Heartbeat racing, rapid drumming awaiting the moment it detonates
Especially when your soul has worn away after many hours of toil;

Time
Starts to feel so transient in this strange world of yours. 

But p r o g r e s s , 
also means that I am still determined to do my 3am best
Even if my best may be equivalent to 
my more intelligent and articulate and always-has-their-shit-together-unlike-me tute partner’s worst, 

I am still making progress,

And that’s okay. 

Illustration by Liv Fugger.

Brexit and breaking the law: ‘it’s only okay when we do it’

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When the UK formally left the EU on the 31 January 2020, it felt like the nation, whether pro-leave or pro-remain, breathed a sigh of relief. We had a Withdrawal Agreement that Parliament had voted for, and the European Parliament approved. The four-year-long saga that saw the rejection of the Chequers agreement and the unlawful prorogation of Parliament was finally coming to an end. Although trade deals still needed to be negotiated, it seemed as if we were out of the woods.

Except now, it appears that this saga is very much not over. Not even a year since the Withdrawal Agreement was ratified by the Council of the European Union, our government is attempting to pass a Bill allowing it to be disapplied, constituting a breach of international law. This Bill, the United Kingdom Internal Markets Bill, has just survived a first vote in the House of Commons.

Setting the terms of the UK’s withdrawal from the EU, the Withdrawal Agreement is enshrined in UK law in the EU (Withdrawal) Agreement Acts of 2018 and 2020. The specific part in contention recently is the Northern Ireland Protocol, designed to avoid a potentially peace-threatening hard border between Northern Ireland and the Republic, with Northern Ireland following single market rules in some instances and administering EU’s customs code at its ports . The protocol assumes that a trade deal will eventually be negotiated between the UK and the EU regarding trade with Northern Ireland, but until such a deal can be finalised, the default EU position would apply to prevent a hard border.

The mutually sanctioned agreement is now threatened by the Internal Market Bill, seen as explicit authorisation for the UK to breach the international obligations set out under the Withdrawal Agreement. Clause 42 would allow exit procedures required under the Northern Ireland Protocol to be disapplied while clause 43 further allows provisions concerning state aid to be disregarded. Finally, if there was any doubt left about the potential of the Internal Market Bill to breach international law, clause 45 assures that clauses 42 and 43 will still be in effect even if they breach the Withdrawal Agreement, a clear sanction for the former legislation to override the latter.

You may be thinking ‘so what?’ or questioning why this particular breach of international law is so important. You’d be correct to think that international obligations have been broken before, and, indeed, some EU member states are particularly serious offenders. Sometimes our international obligations are breached when new circumstances come to light, with the UK’s introduction of the General Anti-Abuse Rule (GAAR) in 2013 to combat new forms of tax evasion being an example. GAAR serves to prevent the use of abusive tax-avoidance schemes that amount to more than responsible tax planning to minimise the amount of tax that one might pay. There was debate at the time on the passing of the Finance Act 2013, which included GAAR, about whether it may have broken international law. Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Brandon Lewis suggested that GAAR sets a precedent for further breaches of international obligations under the Internal Markets Bill, but there is strong evidence that GAAR wasn’t inconsistent with our continuing treaty obligations.

Even if international obligations are breached, enforcement is difficult and there is very little actually stopping France, for example, from deciding that they want to shut their borders because they are no longer supporters of free movement. International courts, such as the European Court of Human Rights or the European Court of Justice, can rule on issues concerning international law, but ensuring that the correct action is taken is where the problem of enforcement lies. Typically, the United Kingdom is willing to take heed of international court rulings, but this isn’t always the case. Though the European Court of Human Rights ruled that a blanket ban on convicted prisoners being able to vote was a violation of their rights, prisoners in the UK still do not have the right to vote.

However, the issue goes beyond any ‘punishment’ for breaching international law, and is more about upholding and respecting the rule of law. It seems pretty outlandish for the government, the makers and enforcers of law, to not accept their own legal duties, more so considering they currently expect people not to socialise in groups of more than 6. As the rule of law is a cornerstone of our constitution, it absolutely matters when anyone, not least the government, attempts to disregard it.

While the government response to the contentious bill has been mixed, there has mostly been an outrageous display of support for the breaking of international law or denial of any such attempt taking place. The level of misinformation permeating this discourse is concerning and, understandably, some members of the public are seriously misinformed.

Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Brandon Lewis acknowledged that the UK government was attempting to breach international law, but added an irrelevant and nonsensical caveat that the breach was only “specific and limited”. We could say that any breach of the law is “specific and limited”; if I steal a mere £20 from someone’s wallet, it is a crime that is limited in its severity, but we wouldn’t say that would make the crime any better. A breach of the law is a breach of the law. Recently, Lord Keen had jumped to the defence of Lewis, asserting that he “essentially answered the wrong question”. It should be noted that Lord Keen has since resigned as law officer for Scotland.

Home Secretary Priti Patel has also stated that “we are absolutely not doing that [breaking international law],” and that “Parliament is sovereign when it comes to how international treaties … are not just interpreted but actually applied through our Acts of Parliament.” She is plainly incorrect in her denial and horribly mistaken in her interpretation of parliamentary sovereignty. Yes, Parliament is sovereign and can legislate to the contrary of any of our international treaty obligations. However, this doesn’t mean that our treaty obligations cease to exist, and we are no longer bound by them.

Attorney General Suella Braverman set out her legal position along the same lines as Patel, defending the Internal Market Bill on the grounds of parliamentary sovereignty and a horribly confused interpretation of R (Miller) v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union. She spectacularly misses the point that our international obligations may not be enforceable in the UK courts (unless enshrined in domestic legislation) but are nevertheless binding for the government. There have been calls for Braverman to resign, as the head of the Government Legal Department Jonathan Jones has done, but this seems unlikely given her strong, but misguided, defence of the government’s position.

Lord Chancellor Robert Buckland QC told Andrew Marr that he will resign if the rule of law is broken in a way that he finds “unacceptable” . The Constitutional Reform Act 2005 only references that the Lord Chancellor must respect the rule of law, with no caveats about acceptable and unacceptable breaches, which begs the question of what offences the Lord Chancellor finds to be acceptable. Only going 5mph over the speed limit? Taking £10 from someone who had £30 in her purse? Buckland has gone on to say that if the law is broken in a way that cannot be “fudged” (I am not making this up), then he will resign.

Even more ridiculously, MP Desmond Swayne asserted that: “[t]here is a principle in international law that no country can be bound by an obligation when that obligation is interpreted in such a way as to undermine the very integrity of that country.” This principle, quite literally, does not exist.

I want to be clear that this is not, and should not, be a political issue. Any government breaking, or threatening to break, laws should be held accountable regardless of their political affiliations. We can all agree how damning the Chilcot Inquiry was for Tony Blair’s decision to invade Iraq, regardless of whether you vote Labour. One thing to highlight is that more people should care about such blatant breaches of fundamental principles like the rule of law. If we care about democracy in any meaningful sense, we cannot allow politicians to get away with such brazen lying and misleading of the public.

Police patrols and pub inspections: City prepares for students’ return

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At yesterday evening’s Virtual Town Hall, Oxford’s universities, students’ unions, the City and County Councils, and the police presented their COVID-safety plans for students’ return to Oxford. 

Thames Valley Police have set aside a portion of the force to respond to breaches of coronavirus regulations, while balancing “normal policing duties”.

Along with neighbourhood police, they will be “proactively patrolling… hotspot areas” in the evening and through the night. They will respond to “spontaneous reports” of COVID regulation breaches. 

The police’s focus is on large gatherings as “they present the greater risk to wider public health”. They have a “Four Es” strategy to deal with large gatherings: engage with members of the gathering, explain the regulations, encourage the gathering to disperse, and enforce the regulations with fines if necessary. 

The City Council will also be ensuring coronavirus regulations are being followed. From 8pm to 1am, there will be “proactive inspections” of businesses to ensure they are complying with the Rule of Six. These will be focused on the pubs “primarily frequented by students”.

This ‘Out of Hours’ Service will also respond to complaints about student parties, carrying out early intervention alongside the police. 

These measures come as Oxford Brookes has been under scrutiny for student parties since students returned on 14th September. There have been 30 recorded cases among Brookes students so far, stemming from off-campus student gatherings.

Pro Vice-Chancellor of Student and Staff Experience at Oxford Brookes, Professor Anne-Marie Kilday, told the Town Hall that the university has issued “150 fixed penalties” for breaches within halls of residence.

Professor Kilday states that the universities “do not have enforcement powers off-campus”, but that they had been working with Thames Valley Police and other partners to “disperse groups meeting outside of halls”. She encouraged residents to contact the police on 101 or report online if they believe students are breaching coronavirus laws.  

Professor Kilday stressed that the majority of students are taking regulations seriously and the university has communicated extensively with the student body to ensure they are aware of their responsibilities. 

Ahead of the start of term, Karen O’Brien, Co-Chair of Michaelmas Coordination Group at Oxford University, told residents the University would learn from Brookes and other universities across the UK, and apply those lessons upon students’ return.

Image credit: Dick Elbers/ Wikimedia Commons.

Investigation: Scottish Under-representation at Oxford

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In May 2020, Oxford celebrated as the proportion of state-educated students at the university hit 62.3%. In a triumphant foreword to the Annual Admissions Statistical Report, Vice-Chancellor Professor Louise Richardson described this as “steady progress towards diversifying the makeup of our student body”. This summer’s A-level fiasco brought fresh gains: 67.8% of incoming students are from state backgrounds, exceeding the University’s latest target. 

Yet as the dust settles on this most recent, though unplanned success, one group remains chronically under-represented at Oxford. Scottish schools are experiencing no such gains. In 2018, 13 English private schools sent more students to Oxford than the entire Scottish state school system, which sent 16 students. The situation has not improved much since. 

The figures for 2019 bore evidence of similar failings, with just 109 applications, 16 offers, and 11 final acceptances for state school applicants. 2020’s statistics, whilst not representing a new low, do not show significant signs of improvement either. Only 104 applications were made by state-educated students this year, resulting in just 19 offers. 

The record for Scottish state representation is clearly abysmal, but it isn’t just state schools facing a disadvantage. Independent representation is also poor. As in the case of state schools, 2019 was a difficult year; only 127 applications were made, resulting in 19 offers and 17 acceptances, a significant decline from the previous year (155 applications, 27 acceptances). 2020 promises to return to the not-so-heady heights of 2018, with 152 applications and 31 offers. 

Of course, small sample sizes create large variations that aren’t necessarily meaningful. However, Scottish representation isn’t showing any signs of significant improvement, unlike the representation of other traditionally disadvantaged groups (according to the University’s report). It is also feared by those students involved in access initiatives that a particularly poor year for Scottish representation might trigger a permanent decline in the numbers applying and therefore succeeding in gaining a place. 

The Cydeside Project, a student-run access organisation for Scottish pupils, is demanding that Oxford do more to attract Scottish pupils.  Founder Michael McGrade stated, “I refuse to believe there were so few capable of making it to Oxford. If Scottish outreach was taken seriously by the University, I am certain we would be looking at triple digits.” 

‘Access’ is one of those things that most of us love to talk about in abstract terms. We might all feel a sense of obligation to help, but few of us are necessarily equipped to talk about access in any great depth and many of us lack a strong personal connection to the ‘issues’ being discussed. 

Puzzled by the decline in applications from both Scotland’s state and independent schools in recent years, I interviewed some current students on their experiences. Why is it that Oxford does not seem to hold the same attraction in Scotland that makes English state and independent students apply in droves? 

It is perhaps important to set these conversations in the wider context of access criticism. Discussions of access in Oxford have been criticised for being too impersonal and numbers focused. This was undoubtedly an issue encountered in the Scottish case. More important than this, it has been suggested, is creating an environment that helps those targeted individuals to thrive.  

From the limited number of people that I have spoken to, it seems that the University environment itself is not the problem. More pertinent in Scotland is a false perception of Oxford as unattainable, alienating and unaffordable. This has gone unchallenged in schools and by the University itself. 

In Scottish schools, Oxford is going unnoticed. Students and teachers don’t commonly see the University as a viable pathway out of school. The general consensus among the interviewees was that the University has no real reputation aside from vague and discouraging stereotypes. 

A lack of familiarity with sending students to Oxbridge lies at the heart of this problem. Gerry, my first interviewee, explained that “when I was applying, certainly in the memory of all the teachers there hadn’t been someone who had successfully applied before, so, for me, my only exposure to Oxbridge came from sweeping generalisations. Going into it I had the perception that it was going to be filled with quite bookish, very academic people who were passionate about their subject, in the way I didn’t necessarily think people were passionate about subjects in the school I went to.” 

One student added that “people at my school thought that Oxbridge was pretty much full of people who were very posh and/or insanely smart. Barely anyone thought about applying because they just didn’t think that they were the sort of people who Oxbridge were looking for.” Zaynab, a law student, also feared that “people are going to be different; people are going to be rich, posh, from private schools. People won’t understand me.”

So far, the University has struggled to make much of an impact even in some of Scotland’s biggest schools. For Peter, who attended the largest state school in Scotland, “there was almost no talk of Oxford at all.” He remembered stumbling across one of the University’s outreach efforts: “there was actually a talk in my school for anybody who wanted to apply to Oxford from Glasgow state schools. I was the only person from my school who was there.” 

Chance encounters such as these would emerge as a dominant theme in these interviews. Without them, those in the state system were unlikely to get a sense of what the University could offer them. Peter explained that “in Scotland, it’s not really pushed the way it is in England. A lot of the big English schools will quantify their success in how many Oxbridge places they have. That happens maybe in the private schools in Scotland, but definitely not in the state schools.” To generalise, “that helping hand just probably won’t be there in state schools in Scotland. There’s no sort of culture where you’re to aim for Oxbridge.” 

Being overlooked by bright students is probably not a problem that the University is familiar with. As Peter’s experience shows, the University’s more traditional approach to selling itself, (i.e. talks in schools and UCAS fairs), does not do enough to seize the attention of students who are otherwise untouched by the allure of Oxbridge. 

Another limiting factor of the number of applications made by Scottish pupils is the reputation of the country’s own prestigious universities. Peter explained, “you’re more pushed towards high tariff courses in Scotland like Medicine, Dentistry and Law, that sort of thing…We wouldn’t consider Oxford and Cambridge ‘our’ two best universities. We’ve got great universities here, why would you apply [to Oxbridge]?” 

So how can Oxford compete with Scotland’s impressive universities? Most important, according to the interviewees, is the “normalisation” of the University and its students. This is where those chance encounters and the personal touch becomes so important. Emerging as somewhat of a folk hero in this investigation was St Hugh’s Scottish Principal, Dame Elish Angiolini. “We have a Scottish principal at Hugh’s who was actually one of the people that I spoke to on the Open Day, which I think certainly was part of the reason that I applied to Hugh’s,” said Gerry. “Having that sort of relatable figure encourages you that it’s a worthwhile thing to pursue.” 

Those students who came from state schools were reliant on distant connections. Peter stated, “the reason I applied to St Hugh’s was because one of my mum’s friend’s son had gone to study PPE there like 15 years ago. Another one of my mum’s friends who had been to Oxford phoned me and we talked through the interviews together.” 

Gerry suggested that this reliance on making connections or lucky encounters was forced by the unpreparedness of teachers: “In terms of their willingness and their enthusiasm for helping they were absolutely brilliant, but I think one of the problems is the application process, as I see it, probably isn’t transparent enough at the moment. The consequence of that is if you have access to other people who have applied to Oxford successfully, I think you gain a reasonably significant advantage throughout the process.” Zaynab also found that “it makes such a difference if you know someone who’s already applied.”

Even independent schools in Scotland can find the idea of applying too daunting. “No one had a great understanding of what the whole process was like or what it would be like to actually go there,” said one interviewee. A significant barrier in this case was the reluctance of the school to damage its own reputation, fearing that an Oxford offer was simply unattainable for too many of its students. “Our school didn’t want to get a reputation of getting lots of people to apply because they knew lots of people were going to get rejected. They didn’t want to be a school that a) pushed it really hard or b) had lots of people fail to get in. So, they almost tried to get people not to apply.” 

Frustrating for all of the interviewees was the contrast between their teachers’ willingness to help and their ability to help. Zaynab recalled “I had a lot of support in the sense of ‘you can do it!’ but I didn’t have a lot of resources. In the last 10 years, our school sent maybe one person to Oxford. So, the only person I was directed to was an English teacher, but it was probably the most useless experience. He was lovely, but I remember telling him about the LNAT and he asked me ‘oh, what’s that?’” 

One interviewee described this as “information asymmetry” between the University’s understanding of its application process and schools’ understanding of it, suggesting that more transparency around the decision-making process might be the solution. “A lot of it boils down to a communication issue and maybe doing more to ensure that it doesn’t actually matter where you’re applying from. I think the uni is taking great steps to, in terms of once you get to interview, to take account of different backgrounds. The tutors tend to do a good job of accounting for those differences in terms of your overall education up to that point, but certainly the info you get before that point varies wildly.”

Poor communication even turned out to be a significant problem when it came to the elephant in the room: tuition fees. Scotland’s commitment to free tuition gives its universities a competitive edge, especially if the English system is poorly explained. Tuition fees have traditionally occupied a central place in conversations about access to higher education. Yet, in our abstract and generalising conversations about access we perhaps forget that the issue of fees remains a highly personal one. It falls upon the shoulders of each individual student to weigh up the costs and the benefits of university education, and, in the Scottish case, the information needed to make these assessments isn’t as widely disseminated as it ought to be. 

Coming to these interviews I had expected fees to be a dominant, even overbearing part of the conversation. The idea that English tuition fees intimidate and discourage the brightest Scottish students now seems overblown (or even snobbish). Founder of the Clydeside Project Michael McGrade is wary of treating fees as a major factor in discouraging pupils. He told Cherwell, “this argument always stings me as a little patronising…It’s a pay as you earn system and prospective applicants, wherever they’re from in the UK, are bright enough to understand that. Likewise, simply because their mum and dad didn’t come here in the 80s does not mean a prospective applicant will not recognise the extraordinary opportunity that being a student here represents.” 

In fact, the English university system as a whole also has some benefits that the Scottish system can’t afford to offer. McGrade stated, “we cannot help the fact that the standard of education at England’s ancient universities far outstrips that of Scotland’s…the zero tuition fee model in Scotland comes at a price. Holyrood will only give a university £1800 per student which means fewer contact hours in larger groups.” 

Similarly, whilst the interviewees had all grappled with the idea of tuition fees to differing degrees, there was a general consensus that fees present the biggest problem when not fully explained or understood. “Unless you’re aware of the very unique benefits that we’re fortunate enough to get as Oxbridge students, then it can just seem a lot easier to stay at home,” said Gerry. “A really common question you get [from people in Scotland] is why are you paying the money, which I think is symptomatic of the lack of knowledge of the system. I can see why if you come from a certain economic background that if that’s not made clear to you, the idea of taking on an extra 30k of debt is not something that’s going to be appealing.” 

For most then, fees present a problem when the system is little understood. If it wants to improve its access record in Scotland, Oxford will not only have to establish itself as a viable pathway out of school, but make sure that pupils fully understand what they would be signing up for. 

The University is by no means ignoring Scotland. Yet, as mentioned above, the more traditional approach that works in England will need to be adapted to suit Scottish needs. In McGrade’s opinion “The University desperately needs to bankroll one of the colleges to act as a link college for Scotland.“ In response to a Freedom of Information request sent this Summer, Oxford informed Cherwell that St John’s College has been tasked with hosting in-bound visits to the university. However, the main access and outreach efforts of the College target specific parts of London. 

In fact, most of the university’s Scottish outreach is managed centrally by the Undergraduate Admissions and Outreach Team (UAO). McGrade claimed “it’s been nearly a year since the University Outreach Office stepped foot in Scotland.” Those (independent) students I spoke to who had experienced outreach events in Scotland found them to be woefully inadequate, exposing the general deficiency faced by Scottish schools when it comes to interacting with the university. 

The few interviewees who had experienced such events found them to be dominated by independent schools and run by well-meaning, but ineffective admin staff. One reflected on “how utterly useless those days were”, complaining “they were run by people who, now you look back on it, didn’t know what they were talking about. There were no Oxford students, there were no Oxford tutors, there were no members of faculty. An actual student’s perspective is so much more helpful than someone from admin.”

Among my interviewees, UNIQ turned out to be similarly disappointing. McGrade commented: “My experience has been that UNIQ does not seem to have made much headway at all in Scotland and this must be from a failure to advertise it. After all, it’s quite a way to come to Oxford from Scotland and often prohibitively expensive to do so.” This sentiment was shared by a number of the interviewees, who claimed they had not been aware of UNIQ or simply found out about it too late to apply. One student expressed that it was also difficult to find information about the University’s extensive options for financial support. 

Information obtained by a Freedom of Information request revealed that in 2019, 9 participants were domiciled in Scotland. This resulted in 4 applications and 3 offers. 

Tutors appear to be an under-used resource when it comes to busting the myths that surround Oxford. For those able to attend, in-person open days provide students and tutors with an opportunity to make this human connection. For Gerry, “the chance to meet tutors and have informal conversations who were there sort of demystified the situation in that you realised quite quickly that these people weren’t that different from your teachers at school. There wasn’t an oppressive or overt intelligence in the conversations as they were showing you around…For me, I think it probably did have a bearing on whether I applied at that stage because I was undecided when I went down.” 

He added, “Making those sorts of events more accessible regardless of geography is probably a good step access-wise.” It is yet to be seen whether the more accessible online open days will have a significant impact on Scottish applications.   

Not all the University’s initiatives are faltering, however. Particularly promising are those that seek to re-inject access and outreach with the much-needed personal touch. Of course, it’s not just the University that has a responsibility to improve representation, and student and alumni initiatives remain absolutely central to “normalising” Oxford. Exeter College recently trialled the East Lothian Project, a summer school for 12 pupils first put forward by a Doctoral student at the college. The costs were split in 2019 between the local authority, who funded travel, and the college, who covered the costs of the stay itself. Whilst forced to go online for the time being, it is hoped that the project will secure permanent funding to ensure annual visits in the future. 

One interviewee also commended Christ Church for hosting Scottish pupils for the open day, with the provision of free accommodation and food. “The college was actually really helpful and friendly as they organised a lot of fun things for us to do in the time that we were there. However, the train journey down was 8 hours and quite expensive so this could be a barrier for many Scottish state school students who would be interested…it is a real shame that many Scottish students are unable to attend the open days.” 

Moreover, the ability of students to make an impact should not be understated. An important first step is talking to students about their options. Gerry told me that “I feel I have an obligation, as someone who benefited from a chance conversation here and a little nudge there, to try and raise awareness in my community and in my own school that this is a viable pathway.” For him, this means overcoming the natural squeamishness that comes from talking about one’s Oxford experience. “It’s not necessarily a bad thing to be careful in terms of your self-congratulation, but there’s a time and a place when it becomes quite important…offering to go back and speak to students that are considering Oxbridge allows you to have those conversations in a way that isn’t self-glorifying or inappropriate.” 

Personalised and friendly communication is certainly a core component of the Clydeside Project. With 100 Scottish pupils now being mentored, it is certainly making a difference. McGrade told Cherwell: “One school in Glasgow we worked with last year had never previously sent a student to Oxbridge. On offers day I got the news that three of their students had received offers from Oxford.” 

Peter’s work for the Project involves targeting the most influential figures in education: headteachers, deputy heads, UCAS coordinators, and others involved in pastoral care. McGrade believes that promoting the University among these “gatekeepers” of education is a crucial part of the Clydeside Project’s mission. 

The criticism of ‘access’ at Oxford is well-founded but importantly, not without practical solutions. The enduring positivity of those involved in access initiatives has proved, I hope, that the future is bright. ‘Access’ is not a vague goal we talk about in abstract terms, an obsessive numbers-fest, or a box-ticking exercise. Rather it is a complex process of trial-and-error, something that pushes whole institutions to reform whilst meeting the personal needs of individuals. The University may be an easy target for frustrated students, and indeed a healthy degree of criticism is sometimes necessary. But it is worth remembering how fruitful the collaborative efforts have been in the Scottish case. Oxford is a place that our interviewees love, a place that they are grateful for, and a place that they want to help other people reach. This passion, enthusiasm, and personal investment must occupy a central position in the University’s efforts going forward. 

Many thanks to those who offered to be interviewed and to the Clydeside Project for their help. 

Please note these figures are close approximations (for example, data is filtered to include those domiciled in Scotland)

Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg: Unapologetically Female

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It was September 2018; the RBG documentary had recently been released on Netflix and ‘UCAS’, ‘careers’ and ‘university’ were my sixth form’s favourite words. Influenced by Legally Blonde and Suits, I had decided on a career in law, and this is how I found myself watching RBG. I’m embarrassed to admit that I didn’t know who Ginsburg was before this, (a tad late to the hype I know), so let me tell you now, less then two minutes into the documentary I did not expect to witness a small elderly lady lifting weights with the lyrics of Minneapolis rapper Dessa’s song ‘The Bullpen’ blazing over the top. This impactful introduction turned out to be fitting for Ginsburg, whose steadfast determination and drive for equality for all citizens led her to become a trailblazer for gender equality, in a time when laws enforced outdated gender stereotypes.

Ginsburg paved the way for the law reform in America; her work being critical to the passing of the Equal Credit Opportunity Act, which removed the need for women to have a male co-signer when applying for bank accounts, credit cards and mortgages. This greatly increased the mobility and independence women could have. However, Ginsburg did not solely focussed on gender discrimination involving women. Her first gender discrimination case was that of Charles Moritz, Moritz v Commissioner, which entitled men to the same caregiving and social security rights as women. From her work with Susan Dellar Ross which resulted in the passing of the Pregnancy Discrimination Act, to being instrumental to the requirement of women on juries, it is clear that Ginsburg’s legacy is well deserved. 

Even acknowledging Ginsburg’s vast legal success, what was it that made her gain the attention of the general public? I’m sure it came as a surprise to many that a woman in her eighties became such a huge cultural icon amongst the younger generation. Ginsburg herself admits, jokingly, at the beginning of the RBG documentary that ‘everyone wants to take a picture with her’. Quite honestly, this was true. Named ‘notorious RBG’ on social media for her powerful dissents, Ginsburg’s face can be found on prints and tote bags. Tumblr pages, Instagram posts and even TikToks have been dedicated to her, detailing her vast achievements. What made Ginsburg so special is that she was a strong female voice in what has historically been an extremely male-dominated field. As one of only nine female students in a cohort of 500 at Harvard law school, Ginsburg was asked by the Dean why her place should not be given instead to a man. Even with the odds stacked against her, graduating into a field where females were not favoured, regardless of their credentials, she carried on fighting for what she believed in; equal opportunities for all. As only the second female justice on the American Supreme Court, Ginsburg contributed her worth. She did not sit quietly as a token woman. She stood up for what she believed in, and it was her tactful dissents that were widely publicised, contributing to her internet fame. In an age where our history in schools is full of the well-documented achievements of white men, Ginsburg’s legacy is a refreshing twist. 

Since its release in 2001, Legally Blonde is often referenced as an inspiration for many girls to pursue a legal career, with the fictional protagonist, Elle Woods, receiving a place to Harvard law school despite doubts from her peers. Often termed a ‘legal queen’, what many young women admire in Elle Woods is her determination to make a success of herself academically despite everyone doubting her based on stereotypes of ‘dumb blondes’. In 2018, I found a real life model who embodied all of what is admirable about Elle Woods; successful, firm to her beliefs and unapologetically female. In 2017 in the U.K, 67% of law students were female, with 33% male. Even accounting for the fact every law student does not continue into a legal career, it is clear that despite progressive laws and public opinions, there is growing gender inequality as the higher we look up the career ladder. For example, only two out of twelve judges on the Supreme Court in the UK are female. Ginsburg’s legacy of gender equality is still relevant and important even given the progress made over her lifetime.

The most important lesson I take from Ginsburg is her grit and determination in sticking to her goals and morals, despite odds being against her. Nor was maintaining a happy marriage or raising children incompatible with her career. Ginsburg’s legacy is in her immense contribution to the revolutionary change in the American legal system in gender equality. Many law students, myself included, sign up to the degree with dreams of human rights work, inspired to make positive changes. Once beginning the degree, this can appear to many to be a naïve dream when faced with the financial realities of the corporate world. Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s legacy, I’m sure, will inspire many to attempt to achieve their ambitions.  

Credit: Wake Forest University School of Law
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.0/

Oxford’s imperial present: ‘postcolonialism’ doesn’t mean it’s over

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It’s a well established fact that a lot of Oxford’s current institutional ‘glory’ can be attributed to colonialism. A large amount of its capital was reaped from colonial enterprise, including from the worst of its kind, slavery (look at St. John’s research, for example). When we hear postcolonialism, however, we’re used to understanding it as a time period beyond the event that was colonialism. Being from India, many would say, for example, that colonialism ended there in 1947, and the ‘postcolonial’ era began after that. But perhaps it’s more accurate to think of postcolonialism as colonialism under national governments rather than the end of the system itself.

There are many aspects to colonialism, at the abstract level of sovereignty to material conditions of life and labour, but its reach is virtually unlimited. History has its way of entrenching institutions – whether it is through law, setting up of incentive structures, or the minds of people, every systemic change often leaves an impact that is hard to get rid of. What does this actually look like in the context of postcolonialism? The clearest example is the import of Westminster-style democracy across the colonies. This also comes with the adoption of the common law system in judiciaries. In a cultural context, this might include the use and spread of English across the world. There are much deeper institutions as well, such as colonial land revenue collection systems, the exploitation of forests (many occupied by indigenous populations), and the entrenchment of colourism.

One common question when we talk about postcolonialism is why nationalist revolutions didn’t ‘completely’ disown their colonial past. The answer is what I suggested at the start of the previous paragraph – that alternative institutions might have developed in their own manner in the colonies through a process of their own indigenous evolution, but when the British intervened with their own system, they inserted their colonial institutions into this process. This insertion was thus met with each colony’s own nationalistic revolution, but following the framework of dialectical and historical materialism, it was clear that a revolution born as an ‘antithesis’ to something, will always give birth to a ‘synthesis’ or a nation that is stuck in between its own ideals and what it fought against. Such a nation cannot be independent of colonialism. 

Practically, we may attribute this to a variety of reasons. The Indian elite, for example, were already trained in British institutions- they became lawyers studying English law, politicians working in the model imposed by the British Parliament, and educationists and reformers influenced by the system of study the British introduced them to. To say they did this out of choice would be highly misleading – the incentives were made highly attractive because the British rewarded loyalty and service, and disincentives of brute force applied to dissenters. So, when we look at the nations born out of colonialism, we continue to see colonial structures that are alive and thriving.

This framework helps us understand Oxford’s present role as a colonial institution, since these structures extend beyond the nations themselves. At a very basic level, it is the impression of prestige that the British left throughout its colonies that continues to carry Oxford’s reputation today. As a student of law, for example, I can see how because of the Indian adoption of common law, Oxford has made itself indispensable to Indian lawyers. It is the pinnacle of the British academic elite, and if we want to understand Indian systems of law, we are still bound to look into British law – not only from the colonial period, but also contemporary law. For example, the reform of sodomy laws and sedition laws requires us to study contemporary British reforms in those fields besides colonial intentions, in order to change such laws within the framework of the legal system and principles the colonists themselves left behind.

After Britain made English indispensable to the Indian elite, and with its vast imperial footprint, the world, it made its own institutions that teach the language and store its deepest history of literature more valuable to postcolonial nations. This also holds true for history, sociology, anthropology and more, since the Western perspective of these subjects have entrenched themselves as the foundational accounts of the Indian narrative – look at Dalrymple, Omvedt, Austin, etc. Without prejudice to the expertise of many of these scholars, consider the case of Dumont for how such Westernised views may go wrong. Similar structures operate at various levels, explaining why Oxford, even today, continues to actively benefit from colonialism, and why the postcolonial populations strive (or struggle) to enter the institution. 

What could this mean for Oxford? It requires a recognition as students and members of the university that we are not the pinnacle of merit, but the pinnacle of privilege. Our existence in this institution can be attributed to the extent by which we are able to derive benefit from, and contribute to, those colonial institutions that make Oxford valuable. This does not serve to negate the struggles of anyone to get into the university, but once we are here, we need to recognise that our individual efforts do not exist in a vacuum, but in the context of our position as people who are located in a colonial system, where elites across the world and British citizens are given an upper hand.

This raises questions on how we may recognise that privilege and work towards ‘decolonising’. This is a question with a range of responses, however, I suggest that with the global entrenchment of these colonial institutions, it is not possible to overthrow them and replace them with novel alternatives (the question of what kind of alternative being an equally difficult one). Instead, we need to be able to let postcolonial populations reclaim key structures and define them in their own terms. 

This can include practices such as questioning any harsh policing of the English language, or even its use to obfuscate knowledge (sometimes phrased as moving towards a ‘global’ English, even in academia). It includes accepting into syllabi postcolonial authors, as well as expanding syllabi to serve a larger population, making Oxford a truly international institution. We should also be willing to share the privilege the institution has acquired and has bequeathed on us, by making active choices about who and what we platform when here, as well as what we chose to do with this accumulation of ‘Oxford privilege’ over the rest of our careers. This includes adopting practices of decolonisation throughout our lives, and making Oxford a space that permits decolonisation as a process. The institution should be admitting people who can benefit from its privilege, at reasonable and comparable costs, not just removing statues that glorify its colonial benefactors. It should continue to expand the ambit of its research focus, substantively and geographically. 

Admittedly, the logistics of these issues are hard to settle, and many steps have already been taken, but I hope the aim of the article to shed light on the postcolonial perspective will increase participation in the suitable discussions towards exorcising colonialism from its haunt at Oxford.

The power of perspective: how the narrative lens can transform a story

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The recent release of Stephanie Meyer’s Midnight Sun has introduced a new perspective on the Twilight story, now told from Edward Cullen’s point of view. Regardless of what we think of the series, they succeed in highlighting one of the most exciting and complex elements of storytelling: the perspective of the narrator. Who is telling the story?

As soon as an author chooses a first-person narrator over an omniscient third-person, the story suddenly gets a lot more interesting. Objective truth and reality fly out the window, and instead we are left with one individual’s version of events. It is then the task of the reader to decide what they believe.

All first-person narrators are unreliable to some extent, and many of the best novels out there utilise them to create depth and intrigue in their stories. Whether it be Nick in The Great Gatsby, or Nelly in Wuthering Heights, the unreliable narrator is a literary staple.

But perspective becomes even more powerful when a new narrator is introduced to a pre-existing tale. This was a device Mary Shelley employed in Frankenstein, which begins with Victor Frankenstein’s tale of the murderous and destructive monster, only to turn to the monster himself, who tells a very different story. Frankenstein’s nameless creation speaks of how his creator abandoned him, and of the loneliness that followed as he discovered the fear and disgust he inspired in others. Once the ‘monster’ has spoken, it is no longer clear who occupies the moral high ground.

Another transformative example is found in the 1966 novel that reworked the beloved Jane Eyre story. Wide Sargasso Sea by Jean Rhys gives a back-story to the ‘madwoman in the attic’, Bertha Mason. She is re-imagined by Rhys as the Jamaican-born Antoinette, whose life of trauma and neglect leads to a drastic decline in her mental state, and her eventual imprisonment in Mr Rochester’s attic.

The Jane Eyre story casts Mr Rochester’s first wife as a gothic monster and a threat, who is othered and stripped of her humanity. This is epitomised in Jane’s first sighting of Bertha, where she becomes an it: “What it was, whether beast or human being, one could not, at first sight, tell: it grovelled, seemingly, on all fours; it snatched and growled like some strange wild animal…”

Rhys transforms Brontë’s “beast” into a human being. Her rewrite provides a biting critique of English colonialism through her depiction of post-Emancipation Jamaica, combined with a feminist reading of the marginalised ‘madwoman’ who has suffered in a world of patriarchal oppression.

Wide Sargasso Sea had a far-reaching legacy within literary criticism as a whole, paving the way for other classic works of literature to be re-examined with a more critical eye. Feminist and post-colonial readings became increasingly popular in the latter half of the 20th century, and are now essential elements of literary study.

The authority of the white and male point of view is undermined when voices that have been silenced for so long are finally given the opportunity to speak out, and to tell the story anew. This process of re-reading applies, perhaps most crucially, to history itself. A long-running story told by the winners, the colonisers and the men in charge – history is perhaps the narrative most in need of a re-write. Tales that tell of the ‘glorious’ British Empire, or of a ‘peaceful’ first Thanksgiving in the New World are just two stories told by biased and unreliable narrators.

As the Hamilton musical reminds us, it all comes down to “who tells your story”. Who controls the narrative, and whose agenda are we being fed? Now more than ever, we should all be reading with a critical eye.

So when Meyer decided to give us Edward’s perspective in Midnight Sun, the narrative is flipped on its head, but this time in a return to the white male’s point of view. Whether this finally allows us to understand Bella’s elusive vampire love-interest, or if it merely serves to highlight the more pathetic and possibly even predatory aspects of Edward’s character, is left for the reader to decide.

Yet what is equally true is that by re-inventing the Twilight story in this way, Stephanie Meyer adds to a long-running conversation on the nature of narrative, and what it means to tell a story. I’m sure for many Twilight fans, it’s really ‘not that deep’, but it is nevertheless a reminder of the power of perspective, and the transformative potential of a new point of view.

Oxford Brookes reports 30 coronavirus cases

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Oxford Brookes University has reported 30 cases of coronavirus among students as of 23rd September. Their semester began on 21st September, with Freshers’ introductions starting from the 14th. In a statement, the Brookes vice-chancellor linked the cases to off-campus parties thrown by students.

A party of over 100 Brookes students was recorded on 16 September, and the university subsequently issued a statement condemning student gatherings. Since then, police have increased patrols with the aim of breaking up gatherings that violate the Rule of Six, particularly in South Park.

The university states that it has issued about 150 fixed penalties to students “for breaches within halls of residences” since 12 September, the BBC reports.

No outbreaks among Oxford University students have been reported ahead of the start of term.

However, concerns have been raised by Oxford residents about the return of students to campus from across the country and world. The City Council estimates that between Oxford Brookes and the University of Oxford, students make up about 28% of the city population, the highest of any UK city.

In response, the City Council has organised a Virtual Town Hall on Monday, 28th September, which will include representatives from both universities’ administrations and student unions, as well as City Council, Thames Valley Police, and public health team representatives. Organisations will discuss their planned safety measures and hold a Q&A session.

From Oxford University, Professor Karen O’Brien, Co-Chair of Michaelmas Coordination Group will be speaking, as well as Ben Farmer from the Student Union.

Susan Brown, leader of the City Council, said: “We know that residents in Oxford are nervous about the return of students, and we want to reassure them that we are all working together to take as many measures as we can to minimise the risk from the virus. The universities and their students are very much part of the city of Oxford. Our businesses are starting to reopen, and many jobs rely on students being here in term time and we want to see the students safely in our midst. This event is an opportunity for residents to hear exactly what preparations are in place, and to ask all of us about the issues they see in their neighbourhoods and work so that we can reassure them. The universities, councils and police have been working with each other, residents’ organisations and businesses over the last few months so that we are all ready to manage the safe return of students.”

The SU, University, and City Council have been contacted for comment.

Image credit: Extua | Wikimedia Commons | Image has been cropped

Oxford removes Graduate Application Fee

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The University of Oxford has voted to abolish its Graduate Application Fee.

Graduate applicants were previously charged £75 to apply to Oxford, however the University’s Congregation has voted to remove the fee by 419-380 votes. The fee will be phased-out by the 2024-25 academic year.

The Congregation, Oxford’s highest-level decision-making body, had previously voted to maintain the fee during a meeting in March.

The resolution, “To commit the University to the abolition of the graduate application fee in its entirety by the Academic Year 2024–25 and to prevent further fee increases in the meantime”, was rejected by 100 votes to 50.

However, more than 50 members of the Congregation requisitioned a postal vote on the resolution, leading to the reversal of the original decision.

Prior to the vote, graduates could request to receive a fee waiver if they were applying from a low-income country or were a UK applicant from a low-income background.

The resolution was proposed by DPhil student Ben Fernando and seconded by researcher Michael Cassidy. Fernando said: “This is a wonderful testament to what a group of staff, students, and academics working together can do to achieve a fairer and more equitable university. I’m so pleased to have been part of this amazing team of volunteers!”

Oxford SU had campaigned to remove the application fee, saying that it acted as “a deterrent to pursuing an Oxford education”. In a Student Council vote in Hilary Term, over 90% of students in attendance supported removing the fee.

The SU welcomed the decision: “We’re thrilled to see that applicants will no longer face the barrier of an application fee when applying to Oxford. This is a very positive step in the University’s efforts to widen graduate participation and we commend all of the students and sabbatical officers who played a part in pushing this outcome forward.” 

Lauren Bolz, the SU’s Vice President for Graduates, added: “I’m excited to continue working with the University to further improve graduate access, particularly to expand the fee waiver to disadvantaged students from all countries before the fee is fully abolished in 2024.”

Oxford has over 11,000 graduate students and more than 30,000 people applied for graduate study in 2019.

The University’s Congregation acts as its ‘parliament’. It has over 5,000 members consisting of academic staff, members of college governing bodies, and senior research, computing, library, and administrative staff.

Image credit to: Mike Knell/ Wikimedia Commons

Cinematic activism: Wind River and the #MMIW campaign

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CW: murder and sexual violence

While missing person statistics are compiled for every other demographic, none exists for Native American women. No one knows how many are missingWind River (2017)

I watched Wind River for the first time a few of years ago. Despite the film’s well-known cast and director, I hadn’t heard of it and I wasn’t prepared for the movie when I sat down for it: its harrowing depiction of could-be-true events was poignant and devastating. It’s a great movie, but importantly Wind River is a statement: the world is wrong and we need to do better.

This is nothing new; cinema has been used many a time to amplify unheard voices. However, it is rare for the focus to be on the current injustices of the Indigenous and Native people in America, especially Indigenous women. I wrote an article about it at the time and titled it ‘Why we should be talking about Wind River (2017)’. Three years later, as many are still ignorant of the #MMIW (Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women) campaign, the movie is as relevant as ever. So, I have decided to revise it.

Set in the Wind River reservation in Wyoming, 18-year-old Arapaho Natalie Hanson (Kelsey Chow) is found raped and dead in the snow by Wildlife service agent Cory Lambert (Jeremy Renner). Rookie FBI investigator Jane Banner (Elizabeth Olsen) is assigned to the case and works with Lambert to find her killer. Racial tensions are a constant theme throughout the movie, especially between Banner and the Tribal Police, but their misunderstanding turns into respect as the movie progresses.

Wind River is really well-made. The cinematography of the bleak Wyoming winter is atmospheric and Nick Cave and Warren Ellis’ soundtrack is ominous yet understated, never taking the spotlight away from the hard-hitting minimalism Director Taylor Sheridan employs. The acting is good, and the final scene of Renner and Gil Birmingham (playing Natalie’s father) is the film’s standout performance, where they mourn the brutally unfair loss of their daughters. There are few scenes more heart-breaking. The movie ends on the quote featured at the top of this article – missing indigenous women are not recorded unlike every other demographic.

However, the movie is not perfect. It definitely suffers from tropes of white saviourism: while the tribal police support the investigation, it is led by Lambert and Banner. Banner needed to be white to show the tension between the FBI and the Tribal Police, as well as the general tension between white people and those on reservations. In the original script, Lambert was a quarter Arapaho, but this was dropped when Renner was cast, instead leaving his ex-wife and children his only connection to the reservation. While Renner may have brought in additional press and beneficial coverage, I think it would have been better to have Lambert’s character portrayed by a native actor.

There has been a long history of white actors playing indigenous characters which continues today: Rooney Mara (Tiger Lily) in Pan (2015) and Johnny Depp (Tonto) in The Lone Ranger (2013). Wind River has received criticism after actor Kelsey Chow falsely claimed Cherokee ancestry, and thus continued this erasure of native people in film. Native reviewer Jason Asenap also criticises the movie, arguing that it perpetuates the ‘dying Indian’ motif, where Hollywood movies continually show Native people dying or present their culture as dying. While both have endured hardships that should be remembered, to a very much alive and dynamic group of people, this bombardment of death is unrepresentative and tiresome.

However, putting aside these merits and flaws, Wind River can be understood as an attempt at cinematic activism, which seeks to raise awareness for the MMIW campaign. There has been a well-documented history of violence and brutality against all native peoples of North America; for those unaware, take time to research it. However, violence against Native and Indigenous women, as Wind River reflects, is still phenomenally disproportionate.

In 2016, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau established a National Inquiry into the Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women. The background to this inquiry found that between 1980 and 2012, Indigenous women represented 16% of all female homicides in Canada, despite making up only 4% of the population. They also concluded that Indigenous women and girls were “disproportionally affected by all forms of violence”.[1] A 2011 Statistics Canada report estimated that, between 1997 and 2000, the homicide rate for Aboriginal women was seven times higher than other women.[2] No wonder it has been described as both a Canadian national crisis and a Canadian genocide.[3]

In the US, Native women are two and a half times more likely to experience violence than any other demographic and 61% have been assaulted in their lifetime, a statistic 9% higher than any other group of women. It is also reported that 34% of Native women are raped in their lifetime and 67% of the perpetrators are non-native. On some reservations, native women are murdered at rates of more than ten times the national average.[4]

From these abuses the campaign of Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women formed, demanding changes to hold those accountable and to protect some of the most vulnerable people. These include demonstrations, activism and creative responses like Wind River. However, this also includes legal changes: reauthorizing the Violence Against Women Act in 2013, the creation of the National Day of Awareness for Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls and bills passed in Wisconsin, the state of Washington and Arizona.

#MMIW Act or Savanna’s Act, named after Savanna LaFontaine-Greywind who was brutally murdered in 2017, reforms law enforcement and justice protocols to address the crisis. Hopefully, this act will mean the missing person statistics for Native and Indigenous women will now be kept and better reported. However, it has taken too many years for this to be finally realised.

The Violence Against Women Reauthorisation Act attempts to increase tribal prosecution rights further than the one passed in 2013, but, in the Republican Senate, its progress has been stalled. The rights of reservations have been a longstanding debate. The lack of support and the gaps in protection are unsurprising considering its history and unfortunately the lack of support from the conservative right in America is, again, historically unsurprising.

Cinema has a long history of using its medium to raise awareness. The power of film lies in its ability to force you to view a situation from another perspective and give such a personal take on injustice and crises. I commend Wind River’s attempt to highlight an issue which is rarely talked about. The MMIW campaign (which is also extended to MMIWG2ST, to include girls, two spirits and trans people) is a powerful movement producing real changes, going relatively unnoticed.

Unfortunately, Wind River didn’t create the hype or the greater awareness it wanted to, but to the few that have seen it, it opened eyes and hearts. We shouldn’t need a story which perfectly highlights terrible injustices and intimate pain to empathise with a cause, but it certainly drills the message home.

Wind River is an activism entry point. It raises awareness, but like with anything, you shouldn’t stop there. You shouldn’t stop at just being nicely enlightened and continue as you were. Especially with something so far away from many of our day to day existence, effort needs to be put in to actually help, to support and amplify Native voices. Wind River is good but it’s far from everything. Watch it and use it as a foundation to learn more and do more, that is all anyone can do.

If you would like to support #MMIW further, follow the Red House on Facebook and Instagram and follow #MMIW.


[1] https://www.rcaanc-cirnac.gc.ca/eng/1449240606362/1534528865114

[2] https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/89-503-x/2010001/article/11442-eng.pdf

[3] https://www.vice.com/en_ca/article/bn3b98/heres-what-the-missing-and-murdered-indigenous-women-inquiry-is-missing

https://www.cbc.ca/news/indigenous/genocide-murdered-missing-indigenous-women-inquiry-report-1.5157580

[4] http://www.ncai.org/attachments/PolicyPaper_tWAjznFslemhAffZgNGzHUqIWMRPkCDjpFtxeKEUVKjubxfpGYK_Policy%20Insights%20Brief_VAWA_020613.pdf

Image via Wiki Media Commons