Monday 13th April 2026
Blog Page 294

Journalism paywalls — a necessary evil?

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Recent years have seen a marked change in the landscape of online journalism. In fact, it is almost unrecognisable from what it looked like 10 years ago. Social media serves as the most popular news provider around, the presence of fake news has soared, and now the traditionally reliable sources of objective reporting are more often than not trapped behind maddening paywalls. On the surface, restricting people from accessing news based on what they can afford is just plain wrong. In reality though, the majority of sites choosing this route have been left with a stark choice: bow to advertisers’ cries for sensationalist clickbait or create an income stream of their own.

Paywalls are far from an entirely new phenomenon. It was way back in 1996 when The Washington Post made the decision to begin restricting its content. It was highly controversial at the time and for several years remained an outlier among major news sources. Gradually though, other providers realised that their free-to-read models were unsustainable. They were left subsidising themselves with pop-ups and banner ads that not only frustrated readers by compromising their experience but also left them at the mercy of advertisers and their ‘quest for clicks’. The result? We now live in a world where 70% of major newspapers in the EU and US charge for their content, with that figure rising to 76% when looking at the USA exclusively.

The problems are clear. Primarily, there is a fundamental moral issue with restricting people’s knowledge of local and global affairs based on how much they can afford to pay. For some, paying a few extra pounds is an inconvenience but for a growing section of society, it is simply not an option.

The biggest danger is that this forces people onto the fake-news-driving social media sites that created this problem in the first place. The likes of Facebook and Twitter place articles from all sources alongside each other, making no effort to distinguish between verified and unverified sources. The homepages of these apps even carry the name ‘news feeds’. All of this makes it more difficult than ever for users to distinguish between reliable and unreliable sources. Ultimately, although all providers may be on these platforms, algorithms driven by ‘likes’ and view numbers drive users to sensationalist articles that often stretch the truth or even go as far as lying altogether.

Unfortunately, if they don’t want to bow to these pressures, sources are left with no option other than to start charging their readers. In this sense, paywalls do at least enable them to remain objective and independent. Other funders may push certain biases and crucially away from the trend of sensationalism. These walls mean that less money ends up in the hands of middlemen and in theory remaining profitable facilitates better pay for better journalists as well as more money to improve coverage.

It is also worth bearing in mind that there are still plenty of sites offering high-quality and reliable coverage that remain free to access. BBC News is one of these. Although it carries adverts on its page outside of the UK, its independent and reliable coverage is one of the country’s most valued exports. It is a vital resource for millions around the globe and is turned to as a trusted provider everywhere from African war zones to Manhattan.

‘Hard paywalls’ are also not the only option as far as charging for content is concerned. Many offer a so-called ‘soft paywall’ approach. This might offer viewers a certain number of articles a month before a subscription is required. It is used by sites such as ‘Medium’, as well as being under trial in some regions by ‘The New York Times’. The paper also offers its most basic news coverage free of charge, arguing that this prevents its model from driving inequality. ‘The Financial Times ‘took a similar approach during the early months of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, making all stories on that topic free-to-read. Others such as ‘The Guardian’ ask for a donation. These options aren’t ideal but do offer a somewhat palatable middle ground between totally locking people out of quality reporting whilst still enabling profitability from those who are able and willing to pay.

Ultimately, it’s hard to argue the fact that paywalls risk driving education inequalities that already exist. People being locked out based on what they can afford is just the reality. Outlets though, are not to blame. In the end a balance must be struck and if some stories have to be put behind paywalls in order to keep other more basic and ‘essential’ coverage free for all, then that might just be the only option left.

Image: Rawpixel/ CC0 for Public Domain Dedication via Negative Space

This House has No Confidence in His Majesty’s Government

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The Oxford Union began the year debating whether it had confidence in his majesty’s government, the Truss administration. Difficult question. At 7:50pm, I checked the program to find that the guiding star of the evening, the Home secretary Suella Braverman, would not be attending. Her absence was not mentioned. I wondered if she had sent an abdicating letter addressed to and signed by herself, Kwasi Kwarteng style. At 7:56 I checked my phone to find out Liz Truss had decided to U-Turn on scrapping the rise in corporation tax. By 8pm, I had begun to doubt the reliability of his majesty’s government.

We warmed up with a friendly debate over nationalising the railways. “The Italians aren’t successful at anything”, a speaker exclaimed; the audience tittered. Someone suggested the colonising “incentive” the British had to build railways in India seems to be the lacking component in our own domestic railways. “Do you think the British government ruled India quite well?” inquired a ‘Point of Information’ request from the balcony. More lucid suggestions favoured the Holy Church of Rome as an organisational structure for the great British railways. A stifled mumble asked after affairs with minors in the grand papal train system. The Nos won, the railways remained un-nationalised, peace, order, and trainline reigned.

Mr President, Mr Librarian, Mr Treasurer and Mr Secretary assembled in diamond formation to smile bashfully at the crowd; it felt like the beginning of a synchronised swimming routine. Mr Secretary advertised the “Bring Back Boris Bacardi”. The Right Honourable Sir Desmond Swayne expressed his delight with a trilling “yeah, yeah, yeah”, to the tune of Bruno Mars’ top hit, Locked out of Heaven. They swiftly passed a motion outlawing being both a paid sabbatical officer of the Oxford Student’s Union and a member of the Oxford Union committee.

Jenny Grehan Bradley of Hertford College opened the proposition with a rousing indictment of Conservative rule. The first speaker for the opposition, Conrad Froyland Moe, stood to complain. It has apparently been super hard to organise a debate about confidence in a government that lacks a democratic mandate and has crashed the value of the pound within a month. Nobody was willing to speak and then there was “the death of the country’s longest serving monarch”; he seemed to suggest they were banking on her rsvp.

Richard Burgon MP, Labour MP for Leeds East, spoke next for the proposition. “Trickle-down theory is one of the biggest lies in politics”, he proclaimed. This is “Robin Hood in reverse”, the “rotten philosophy of Thatcherism”. Meanwhile, this is the “golden age for the super-rich”. As he reached his stride, Mr Secretary dinged his little silver bell. “That bell should be the bell that tolls the end of this Tory government!”, Burgon shouted over the tinkle. There was a feeling of anti-climax. He carried on, “people don’t want to be the guinea pigs in Liz Truss and Kwasi Kwarteng’s fundamentalist free market laboratory!” I rubbed my little paws. Burgon’s speech strode to its finish: “If we are going to build a better society we need to boot out the rotten Tory society…for those who have been kicked…let’s kick this government out.” I imagined a boot stamping on a guinea pig’s face – for ever. 

Tim Green of Regents Park College stood for the opposition. He got us going with my favourite sport, feminism: 3 nil on female prime ministers! Back of the net! Let’s all ignore that under Conservative governance the proportion of women staying out of work to look after family has increased for the first time in 30 years. What is bad, apparently, is a leader “flip-flopping” on policy. Truss, not hearing Tim’s sage advice, gaily flip-flopped away from her promised corporation tax cut during this very debate. We ended with a sort of religious mantra: in “Liz we must Truss.” I imagine this was taken from the daily affirmations script of the right honourable Liz Truss.

Gina Miller, speaker for the proposition, is best known for successfully bringing the government to court: first for the attempting to trigger Article 50 without parliamentary consent; then for the illegal prorogation of Parliament. “Our rotten good chap model of government is broken,” she declares, “the biggest tragedy of all is that people look to us with confidence because of our soft power…I have no confidence that this government is able to help tectonic plates move around the world. The world is moving towards instability…[whilst] they are moving the deckchairs in their cabinet”. As she spoke Kwarteng’s deckchair fell into a pit of lava.

Miller’s poise was followed by the swagger of the Right Honourable Sir Desmond Swayne, MP for New Forest West. Swayne was surprised to be there defending a government he has strongly critiqued. This was presumably a refence to his prior claims that statistics about the pandemic “appear[ed] to have been manipulated” and that we were in fact “bouncing round at the typical level of deaths for the time of year”. His speech quickly veered towards the coronavirus response measures of a previous government. I wondered if he had read the motion on his invitation. Each piece of his speech was accompanied by a little toe tap, for emphasis, of a shiny black shoe on the union floor. The coronavirus response became oppressive, he suggested: “we were separated like laboratory rats… we were told what we may do, we were told even what we must wear.” Looking at his outfit in these laissez-faire later days of the pandemic, I questioned if that was such a bad thing.

We came to the crux of the matter: “How can I stand here and express confidence in the authors of those policies?” In this crisis of personal faith, he cited Piglet, the honourable member from Winnie the Pooh. “No is a very big word”, said the Piglet disciple. “Accordingly, the framers of the motion this evening have placed a very big bar in front of those who would propose it… because if even in some residual area of your subconscious you retain even a grain of confidence in this government, the motion falls! Because No is a very big word! It means nothing! It means zilch!” My eyes followed his pointing finger, mesmerised, and I wondered if he was seeing into, and perhaps manipulating, these residual areas of my subconscious, at which level, far from my conscious thought, I quietly repeat the mantra: in Liz we Truss, in Liz we Truss...

He retains his own grain of confidence by believing today’s government are “authentically the most liberal, even libertarian, administration in two generations.” Perhaps it would be best not to mention that the new Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Act illegalises a protest that is too noisy. So much for liberty. The argument may not be making much sense, but reader, I cannot help you.  “Comrades!”, he shouted. The debate closed. The house decided they had no confidence in the government by an overwhelming majority of 222 in favour and 45 against.

Image credit: Joe Emmens

Image credit: Joe Emmens

The secret life of a Frat Bro: Debauchery, hedony, and misogyny

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The promise of huge parties, limitless booze, and a social scene that feels like it should last forever. The opportunity to join a band of lifelong brothers who you get to live with, while you have the time of your life in college. Numerous leadership and career opportunities, and a lifelong alumni network that includes US presidents, Hollywood Actors, and CEO’s of the largest companies in the World. Oh and did I mention the parties. Parties every weekend, before every football game, and on every holiday in the calendar. Being a fraternity brother seems like the pinnacle of the American college experience. 

Greek life is embedded in the social scene of the biggest universities across the country including but not limited to the University of Michigan, USC, Pennsylvania State, and Florida State. Greek life breaks down to a community of national organisations, fraternities for men and sororities for women, who have individual chapters at various universities. Many of these national organisations, such as Sigma Chi and Phi Kappa Theta, have been on campuses for hundreds of years. They emphasise leadership and philanthropy opportunities within their organisations, and set high academic benchmarks as a requirement for membership.

However, there is a key difference between fraternities and sororities. The National Panhellenic Conference, which governs national sorority organisations, forbids the use of sorority funds on “alcoholic beverages for any purpose” and bans alcohol inside of chapter houses. Its counterpart, the North-American Interfraternity Council, has no such regulation. 

Fraternity parties dominate the social scene at hundreds of US universities. In the US, where the majority of college students are under the 21 year drinking age, students face legal and campus regulations when they inevitably throw their own parties. As private organisations funding off campus housing, social fraternities have the resources to create a venue, serve alcohol, and blast music all night long: the essentials of a college party. However, it’s not as simple as free booze and a good night getting into the fraternity social scene.  As most students know before they even step on campus, you need to fall in at least one of three categories to get into a frat party; a fraternity brother, a friend of a brother, or a female. Through membership, fraternity brothers gain access to a dynamic, high octane university social life.  

Despite and because of these benefits, fraternities are highly exclusive systems. Fraternities traditionally keep their societies selective in order to maintain a social reputation and make membership highly regarded. They search for students who are likely to fit in with their culture, being careful in who they issue bids(formal invitations) to.  This new class of potential members are called “pledges”, and organisations test their dedication, loyalty, and fit, before initiating them as fully fledged members. Exclusivity is at the heart of fraternity culture. 

This culture has been decried as dangerous, misogynistic, and institutionally flawed for years, and in recent years it’s faced intense scrutiny. Traditionally, fraternities have been lambasted for their pledge process, pressuring new members to partake in often dangerous hazing activities to test their dedication. This is all part of a culture that validates, and often socially rewards, alcoholism, debauchery, and a hardcore party lifestyle. And beyond its danger to the members, social fraternities have come under fire across the country for fostering an environment of sexual misconduct that is protected from accountability; studies have shown that fraternity men are three times more likely to commit sexual assault than nonmember students. Student-led protests against fraternities are becoming more and more prominent every year. And universities are beginning to disband individual fraternities, abolish frat rows, and in some cases even shut down their Greek systems entirely.

Yet despite all this, every fall semester thousands of freshman boys flock to frat houses at over 800 college campuses across the nation during rush week. Fraternity membership is currently estimated at over 350,000 students nationwide and increasing.

I was curious to evaluate the system, and find out if there was something within fraternity culture that went beyond the stereotypes and controversy; something that could explain the extreme loyalty members express to their fraternities, and the prominent place fraternity culture has in the American university experience. I interviewed Oliver (whose name has been changed for the purpose of this article), a second year fraternity brother studying at Arizona State University, and took a dive into his perspective and lifestyle to understand what it takes to be a frat bro. 

The process begins with “rush,” a week-long process where Potential New Members (PNMs), traditionally first years, introduce themselves to the various organisations on their campus during social events, exhibit their interest, and attempt to earn an invitation to pledge. 

Oliver recalls that as a freshman, he was looking for a fraternity whose culture he clicked with, however, he makes it very clear that he didn’t simply have his choice of the litter. Oliver describes how some fraternities are considered top tier, and that the impression he makes during rush is crucial to getting a bid from the most exclusive organisations. 

“It’s almost like friend-flirting,” he recalls laughingly. Based on these first impressions, fraternities narrow the playing field from the hundreds of freshmen they may have met, and issue bids to the 40 or so kids they feel will make the best pledge class. 

If bidded, the student is now faced with tough choices, to determine if the obstacles ahead of them are worth the life they’ve just gotten a taste of. The first of these obstacles is monetary. Fraternities command membership dues for social and philanthropy funds, on top of students’ tuition and accommodation fees, and these dues can reach upwards of $2000 per semester at large private and public universities. For lower income and middle class students, many of whom are relying on financial aid or self-funding to pay their tuition, this ask puts Greek life out of the question from the get-go.

The second obstacle is the pledge process. Publicly, the pledge process is shrouded in controversy and secrecy due to the practice of hazing. Hazing is defined as “any activity expected of someone joining or participating in a group that humiliates, degrades, abuses, or endangers them, regardless of a person’s willingness to participate.” This traditional practice can involve verbal abuse, pressured alcohol consumption, food challenges, and other degrading stunts. Hazing is illegal in 45 out of 50 states in the US and universities crack down on organisations who get caught, disbanding them. Oliver even states for the record that officially, hazing doesn’t exist at his fraternity. Nonetheless, studies have reported that around 80 percent of fraternity members reported experiencing some form of hazing

Partially, the process is meant to cull from the pledge class those who don’t fit the fraternity’s culture after their initial impression. Oliver notes that over the course of their semester “people got dropped [from the organisation] and we didn’t really get a reason why… if the brothers just don’t like you, there’s really nothing you can do about it.” 

However, Oliver emphasises that at his organisation, the pledge process is also about the characterization of moral standards that his fraternity’s culture embodies, and build respect for the organisation. Describing his attitude towards current pledges, Oliver explains that “we feel that our fraternity has certain morals and characteristics, and [pledges] don’t have those yet. So this process is going to break them down, and build them up into us.” 

I respond to Oliver’s explanation in disbelief; to me this sounds highly idealistic, like pointless justification for an abusive system. In conducting my research for this article, I had read countless pieces about hazing deaths mostly caused by alcohol poisoning and alcohol induced injuries. Even at his college, ASU, a pledge at another fraternity was hospitalised and diagnosed with diabetes after being kept on a diet of only tequila and skittles for four days. 

Since 1959, there has been at least one hazing related death every single year in the US. Surely there is no way to rationalise this type of hazing as any sort of character building or moralization?

Oliver agrees and describes how ”Pledge masters go on a power trip … and they make their pledges do stuff that just makes them laugh, putting these kids through hell. This power abuse is everywhere.” 

Oliver tells me that unfortunately the traditional perspective of hazing is true for most top tier fraternities, and for pledges there’s really nothing they can do about it; “You look to your left, you look to your right and the people next to you are doing it. So you just do.”

Alongside these activities, pledges are also assigned responsibilities for the function of the fraternity, especially when it comes to running the parties. Oliver tells me: “It’s expected of [pledges] to set up for and clean the parties, and at every party, we keep some on sober duty so that when shit hits the fan, we have guys running the parties.” 

So what is waiting for pledges at the other end that incentivizes them to withstand a semester’s worth of strain, ludicrous demands, and time consuming responsibilities? First and foremost is the social life. Oliver tells me: “That’s the main reason I joined a fraternity. I knew that I wasn’t going to be able to party to that extent without doing it.”

As I mentioned above, aside from the brothers, fraternities almost exclusively invite and allow in women when throwing parties, tailgates, and other social events. The gender ratio is a constant measurable across all university parties, and for frat parties specifically this ratio of males to females is considered to be of the utmost importance in determining how good a party is going to be. 

Oliver believes that in the social hierarchy of organisations, the top-tier fraternities have the best parties because they get “the hottest and the most” women in attendance. He astonishingly jokes: “If it’s just a bunch of dudes, that’s not even a party. It’s a gathering.” 

However this is only a factor in the focus on female attendance. There is no escaping the shameless reality: “It’s all about sex. Everything is sexually driven.” Oliver explains, “guys are trying to talk to girls, they’re trying to get with girls, and there’s just a different energy that the guys bring with girls present. If a party is jumping, and there’s a lot of girls there, that’s what makes a good party”. 

So what is the ideal ratio at a fraternity party? Oliver declares, “if I put the guy’s number first and the girl’s number second, it’s 1:8 or I’m irate.”

Oliver elaborates that party planning revolves around female attendance: “Everything [we] do for the party is for the girls.” Superficially, this means themes, decorations, and replacing the beer with drinks that are judged as more “female-friendly.” More importantly though, it means installing safety and security measures. Fraternity parties are notorious for being environments where members spike drinks, grope passerbys, and corner drunk women. Recalling pledges’ responsibilities, Oliver explains that at their parties “there’s pledges to walk all girls to their uber, to keep an eye on the front door and the back. If a girl doesn’t look in good shape, they’re trained to tell her that she might not be safe here, and send her home.” This function of party management seems well meaning, and possibly effective at managing the risks that come with throwing a party.

However ultimately, that is all it boils down to; risk management. This self-policing is primarily intended to mitigate the probability of the fraternity receiving allegations of sexual assault which damage their standing on campus; it doesn’t come from a place of moral accountability. When a pledge is attempting to police an elder brother who ultimately has an immense amount of power over them, it is easy to see why sexual misconduct goes unchecked across so many organizations. 

Oliver explains that fraternities have a tight-lipped procedure for dealing with these issues when they arise. This strays away from any individual accountability for sexual misconduct as Oliver explains that if caught, the entire organisation will ultimately face consequences such as lawsuits and disbanding. In his experience, he recalls a top fraternity who ‘shot down a lot of allegations’ seemingly thanks to their status on campus. He tells me that ‘If there’s one fraternity that has like 6 allegations that get brushed off, at least one of them had to be real. They did something about it, and it just got swept under the rug.” This can involve using their status, such as their relationships with sorority organisations, to pressure girls to stop moving their allegations forward. It is estimated that 90% of sexual assault on US college campuses goes unreported, and women in sororities are 74% more likely to experience sexual assault than other college women.

Just as fraternity culture protects its members despite the detriment to others in the social scene, it does the same in the world of work. Oliver tells me that the career opportunities available through their alumni network constantly amazes him. He explains “we have guys working at Boeing, Red Bull, all these big companies and every other week we’re getting a text saying,  ‘I have an intern opportunity at my company, and we want to give the opportunity to you guys first.’” It seems fraternity alumni trust the culture of their organisation long after graduation, and in a corporate world fueled by connections this commonality can open up huge opportunities.  

The fraternity culture of connections is highly entrenched in the top echelons of American society. It seems less than coincidental that 80% of Fortune 500 executives and 76% of US senators have been fraternity members, when only 2% of the American population has ever been involved in a fraternity

As we discussed before, the expense of fraternity dues often puts fraternity life out of question for lower- and middle-income students; at Princeton University 95% of Greek life comes from the top 20 percentile income bracket in the US.  Higher education is already dominated by the upper class in America, and this class stratification is only exacerbated by fraternity membership. 

Although calls to Abolish Greek Life are becoming more and more prominent, fraternity organisations hold so much power as organisations that they are unlikely to go anywhere for the time being. Universities benefit from fraternities on campus as fraternity alumni are among the highest donors to campuses, and fraternities act as a draw for prospective students searching for a robust social scene. Additionally, even when schools do attempt to install more regulations on fraternities, the organisations sometimes hold enough power and funding to separate from the school and stand on their own with even less accountability. This past summer 8 top fraternity chapters at USC disaffiliated from the school following stricter regulations regarding social events and started their own independent council. 

 Even when interviewing Oliver who speaks so highly of his fraternity, it is very difficult to justify the “fun and enriching college experience” of fraternity members, a vast minority on campus, at the expense of all those who have felt fear, exclusion, and humiliation in their encounters with the system. Still, efforts to reform the system can only benefit from more transparency regarding their practices; a high level of secrecy is the main culprit in allowing fraternities to maintain some of their archaic and appalling practices today. 

Image credit: Bella Back

Twelve going on Twenty

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  1. By the time you’re reading this I will have recently turned twenty years old. I’m excited to be twenty –it feels whole, a bit round, it feels like maybe I’m a bit of a grown up. Only a bit though. 
  2. I initially wanted to rank twenty pop culture references to being twenty until I actually thought about it and realised all I could come up with is the “You’re twenny?!” moment from Mamma Mia and the subsequent (too many) TikToks. However, I will still keep it as my second note, largely because I only found out it was from Mamma Mia last year so the novelty is still high for me, and it is really fun to shout “you’re twenny?!” at people.
  3. I found an article listing things turning twenty this year – unbelievably I wasn’t on it, but do you know what was?  A lot of the items on the list were quite niche and I had no idea of their significance. The article brought me to the realisation that finding out things that happened the year you were born is not as fun or exciting as you would think, because, you were a baby when they happened! You weren’t watching ‘Lord of the Rings: The Two Towers’ at your local Vue, you were lying around doing absolutely nothing. I am the same age as the second ‘Lord of the Rings’ film; do with that what you will. 
  4. Mary Shelley was twenty when she published Frankenstein, which means she was younger than that when she wrote it. I can’t say I’ve got a great gothic novel in the works, but sometimes, after nights out, I write poems in my Notes app – which can be pretty scary to read if you care about grammar or spelling. 
  5. Another literary fact: Apparently Jane Austen was twenty when she started writing Pride and Prejudice. I like this fact because it makes me feel like turning twenty could prompt some incredible novel idea from me. Possible titles include: Nausea and Napping, Ginger and Gingerly (telling you you’re standing on my foot), Confident and Crying. 
  6. Seeing as my idea of ranking pop culture moments about turning twenty fell through, I thought instead for I might rank people who are twenty. Firstly, me: I am of course tempted to give myself 20/20, however I think growing older is about growth so I’m going to give myself 18/20 (the age I am in my head). 
  7. The internet tells me that Sadie Sink of ‘Stranger Things’ fame is twenty. I like her hair, she’s vegan like me and she has an alliterating name – a strong 17/20
  8. Grazia magazine says that the character Jack played by Leonardo DiCaprio is meant to be twenty. It’s been a long time since I watched Titanic and I always remember the side plots more than the main one, so a limp 9/20,as all I can remember is that silly “I’m the King of the world” line, which would never work in practice. 
  9. A person who used to be twenty is Emma Stone – she was twenty when she starred in her first film Superbad. It’s pretty bizarre to think in an alternate universe maybe I would be well-known for doing something really significant aged twenty rather than just living my little life and reading my books. Also yes, I think being in Superbad is significant; that part of the film with the fake ID was my dad’s ringtone for a bit and it was funny every time someone rang him and his phone shouted “You called yourself McLovin?!”. I’ll give it a 14/20, with points lost for a lack of Emma Stone in the film overall.
  10.  One of my lovely housemates has suggested that when you turn twenty you have to “mam yourself”. This observation has arisen from the fact that our house has been taken out by the sinus infection from hell this past week, and we’ve had to make ourselves all the cosy, what-your-mam-makes-for-you-when-you’re-ill meals for ourselves. I both love and hate the idea of “mam-ing yourself”, because on the one hand it’s nice that as we grow older we grow into people who can love and nurture ourselves, but equally my heart aches and I just want my mam here with me. 
  11. My eighteenth birthday was, like for many, during the height of the COVID-19 pandemic. For my nineteenth I had freshers flu, so I’ll gloss over that one. Being an October baby my birthday came at the strange bubble stage where you were allowed to go to college but couldn’t mingle with more than six people outside of it. As such I remember feeling a bit robbed of my first year of being an “adult” and wrote a little piece lamenting all the things I wanted to do once the lockdown was over. I think really this piece was a yearning for adult experiences. Reading it back, a lot of the declarations involved sitting in cafes for hours and dancing and drinking wine while cooking pasta and taking trains to various places (I watched a lot of British romcoms). While I’ve definitely done all of those things, as I enter my twentieth twirl around the sun I realise that none of these experiences make me a “grown up”. They do, however, make me feel free and happy. Here’s to turning twenty and feeling good. 
  12. I’ve always taken the attitude that “when this happens there will be a grand change”. I write resolutions every New Year’s; at the start of each season I make yoga videos with names like “Yoga for a new beginning in Spring”; and every birthday I think that this next year will be the best one yet. People give people who are always desperate for a big change a lot of grief – “live in the moment” they cry at us. But as I turn twenty I’m glad I always think the next year of my life is going to be the most amazing, most film-like, glorious year of my life because it means I never feel scared of what’s to come, and I spend the years so intent on them being the best that I glamorise every little moment. So yes, I think twenty might just be the best one yet.

Image Credit: Like_the_Grand_Canyon/ CC BY-NC 2.0 via flickr.

Diwali Ball’s alcohol ban sparks controversy

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Oxford University Hindu Society (HUMSoc) recently announced the decision to make Diwali Ball alcohol free. This news has been received with mixed reactions across the university. Some feel the society has been “exclusive”, only catering events towards Hindus following certain beliefs and not opening themselves up to more secular or cultural Hindus.

Diwali is part of South Asian culture more generally. The festival is not exclusively celebrated by Hindus, also being one of the major religious festivals in Hinduism, Jainism and Sikhism, and also being celebrated by some Buddhists. Diwali is the biggest holiday of the year in India, celebrated across the country. The festival holds different meanings, and is celebrated differently, across religions. 

HUMSoc writes on its Student Union page that it “is a space that aims to provide a home away from home for Hindus at Oxford”. They form an image of themselves as inclusive of all Hindus, including those who want to simply learn about the religion or partake in events. The Society encourages many to attend their events, “if you want to learn more about the faith, meet fellow Hindus, or more simply to eat delicious food!” 

They hold “weekly aartis, functions to celebrate festivals like Holi and Diwali and termly dinners and social events for drinkers and non-drinkers alike”. 

One student, who was raised Sikh, also celebrates Diwali. For her it “serves as a memory of the ‘Day of Liberation’ as well as being a ‘Festival of Lights’”. 

She feels that without alcohol the “atmosphere will be more tense, for sure”, and said it “seems pointless to ban alcohol at the ball when your target audience is university students”. 

She is uncertain whether the alcohol ban would stop her attending. Diwali Ball gives her “the rare opportunity to reconnect with [her] culture when [she’s] away from home. However, it is organised here by [HUMSoc] despite the festival’s importance to Sikhs and Jains too.”

She “feels at times the committee cares more about imposing personal beliefs rather than catering to the desires of their potential guests”. Hinduism does not forbid alcohol consumption.

She feels “unsettled financially contributing to an organisation that overlooks people from [her] religious background. This exposes the exclusionary nature of HUMSoc’s ball committee”.

A second student, though agnostic, enjoys “actively investigating and learning about different faiths and their customs”.

She does not feel the alcohol ban is a problem as “99% of all social events cater to people who drink alcohol anyway”, and “wouldn’t have thought that one single event out of the hundreds that happen in a year not serving alcohol would be such a big deal. […] It’s not an ordinary ball or club night that you could attend any day; it’s a special festivity that I find would be nicer to observe without alcohol”.

As a non-drinker she “prefer[s] attending social events with other non-drinkers”. She finds these “a safer, more pleasant and less stressful environment”.

However, she feels “maybe it would’ve been better to just set a limit on how much alcohol everyone can have”. A blanket ban is “a little harsh”.

HUMSoc told Cherwell: “HumSoc accepts and respects diverse cultures, traditions, and faiths. HumSoc is a proud member of the National Hindu Students Forum (NHSF), U.K. We have joined the cohort of over 4,000 active members at Universities across the country that includes Hindu Societies from Cambridge, Imperial, LSE, Manchester, and many others. Over the years, all these societies have hosted non-alcoholic events. Non-alcoholic events are also organized by societies of different faiths. To ensure the inclusivity of all the practitioners and faiths, HumSoc is organizing a non-alcoholic Ball.

“‘Acceptance of all’ and ‘openness’ are inherent to the Hindu Religion. No-Alcohol ball also makes the event accessible to those who would otherwise have been excluded. HumSoc has never advised or enforced any practice on individuals. The no-alcohol ball is a respect towards diverse participation and inclusivity of all faiths.”

Image credit: Cecilia Catmur

Editor’s note: this article was corrected on Saturday October 15th to remove an erroneous comment from a student which suggested that Hinduism prohibited alcohol consumption

Covid, War, Climate change: the end of our globalised world?

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The last three years have presented us with a series of events that have shaken the world to its core; therefore, it went through irreversible changes that might alter the functioning of our globalised world. For those who haven’t guessed, I am referring to the Covid pandemic, the ongoing war in Ukraine, and the consequences of climate change. Looking at the rapid succession of global crises, it seems that the stars have aligned to weaken an interconnected world that has taken decades to build. 

Before the pandemic, it seemed like the only enemies of globalisation were protectionist and populist politicians and ideologies, which were gaining traction in most western countries. Euroscepticism has progressed in all EU countries, Brexit being the most obvious manifestation of it; across the Atlantic, even before Trump and the MAGA movement, the United States of America started slowly retracting from the world stage. Whilst many of us first opposed these protectionist tendencies, the past three years have changed our opinion on how we engage with other countries. In many cases, cooperation with a foreign power has become synonymous with dependency. 

The pandemic is the first crisis in line that has revealed the fragility of our globalised world. When international cooperation should have helped, it failed us. In the spring of 2020, countries worldwide set aside their ideals for better cooperation and solidarity in their attempt to secure their reserves of masks and ventilators. Even the government of former German chancellor Angela Merkel, a figurehead of a united Europe, ordered a ban on all exports of medical material to its neighbouring countries. Less than a year later, similar disputes resurfaced regarding the distribution of vaccines, where again, nationalism trumped cooperation.

The worldwide outbreak of Covid-19 also destabilised entire sectors of the world economy and disrupted international cooperation. Supply chains were interrupted since countries we relied on for all sorts of spare parts and materials locked down and closed their borders. The pandemic revealed how much we relied on other countries to produce the most trivial objects. It put the production of cars, computers, bicycles and many more essentials on hold, and as countries experienced successive infection waves, our international supply chains proved to lack resilience. China’s zero Covid policy, for instance, has repeatedly brought to halt the production and exportation of their products. The closing down of Shanghai, home to the world’s busiest container port, in April 2022 created a logjam that was felt globally across all industries. 

Vladimir Putin’s recent invasion of Ukraine, and the ongoing war that has resulted from it, represent another shock to our perception of a united world. Indeed, since the end of the Cold War, tremendous efforts were directed towards the integration of the former USSR into the Western globalised world. In 2001, the German government handed Putin the rare honour of addressing them on their home turf in the  Reichstag. There he spoke of European and world unity and expressed the wish to turn the page of the Cold War for good, saying that “For us (Russians), the Berlin Wall doesn’t exist anymore”, and that “the peace and unity of Europe should be a precursor to the peace and unity of the world.” Nevertheless, the hope for stronger cooperation with Russia started crumbling within the next decade. First, in 2014 when the annexation of Crimea created a diplomatic shift between western powers and Russia, and now, with the war in Ukraine, it looks like we are back to square one, albeit that we have developed a strong dependence on Russia from which we can’t seem to free ourselves. 

Europe has come to rely on Russian gas so much that it is now fearing a winter of cold and shortages since discovering that Putin is capable of using his position to turn the taps off. Even the strictest sanctions imposed on Russia seem to be dwarfed by the millions Europe sends to Russia every day as they hope to get through the coming winter. In the UK, it is not Russian gas on which we rely so much, but Russian money. Indeed, close allies of Putin have been investing in the London property markets for years, buying up football clubs, and donating to politicians’ campaigns and their parties. In both cases, whether money or gas, it gives Putin the upper hand to know that we cannot seriously harm him without harming ourselves. 

The relationship between the West and Russia has already disintegrated, but another diplomatic and economic bomb is waiting to explode: our dependency on China. If we’re having a hard time separating ourselves from Russia, we should start to face the fact that any attempt to distance ourselves from China will be considerably more arduous. Since China opened its door at the end of the last century, we have relied on its cheap labour and industrial development in nearly all sectors. China has become the leading import partner of most western countries, making us dependent on it and powerless against it. Most of our technological devices, clothes, nuclear reactors, and means of transportation can be traced back to China: a country with little regard for human rights and an aggressive approach to international law yet one which remains impossible to sanction economically. 

In recent years, Western powers have issued moral condemnation about the human rights abuses in China: whether it be the situation of the Uyghurs minority, the encroachment on Hong Kong’s democracy and freedom of speech, and the repression of anyone who dares to speak out against the Communist Party. Nevertheless, when it came to taking action, they were powerless, and our leaders could only go as far as boycotting the opening ceremony of the 2022 winter Olympics. The incoming PM Liz Truss has promised a tough stance on China and considers the country an official national security threat; similarly, the new German government is reconsidering its China policy. Nonetheless, there isn’t much either of these governments can do to reduce their dependency on China without limiting trade with it. 

We are in a situation where refusing to import any goods from (or indeed export goods to) China would be economic and political suicide for our leaders. This fact is becoming increasingly worrying as the mainland Chinese government repeatedly threatens Taiwan’s freedom. This insecurity is why the United States has started investing massively in its own production of microchips and semiconductors, as they feel that relying on China or Taiwan for these key technologies is no longer possible. Similarly, for the first time since the iPhone’s creation in 2007, has Apple decided to shift its production to India, a proof that the trust in China is crumbling because of its repeated lockdowns and its aggressive foreign policy.

If a pandemic, a war, and diplomatic tensions are not enough to weaken our trust in a global world, the consequences of climate change might force us to stop relying on others. Droughts, heatwaves, floods and other extreme climate conditions in remote parts of the world significantly impact our supply chains. Last month, a record-high heatwave and a drought in southwestern China forced factories in an entire region to shut. The water in the Yangtze River was running at an all-time low, meaning that factories and ships could no longer use its water for cooling and navigation, which delayed the production and transportation of goods. Such climatic incidents have global repercussions as they freeze supply chains for a significant proportion of the automobile and electronic industry, sectors which have already suffered from instabilities throughout the pandemic. 

Considering the past three years, the pandemic, the war, and the perceptible consequences of climate change, it seems unimaginable that we continue to trust the global nature of our world. We have learnt the hard way how partners can turn into enemies, how our global economy depends on the environment, and how different handling of a health crisis could lead to the collapsing of entire supply chains. Whilst the solution is not to barricade ourselves from others, it is also time to reconsider how we cooperate with others. For years, we have looked abroad for more and cheaper, yet as pleasant as this was, it seems that we cannot continue to rely solely on others’ resources and labour, independently of their political, environmental, and social situation. In the future, it would be foolish not to consider more than just a country’s economic attractiveness without asking ourselves whether some trade deals won’t leave us more vulnerable in the long run.

Image credit: Kentaro Iemoto/CC BY-SA 2.0 via Wikimedia Commons

Careers and Connections – the One Woman Mission

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A question that instils immediate fear into the heart of any Finalist is the dreaded, ‘So, what are your plans for next year?’ Studying Theology (no, I don’t want to become a priest) any talk about careers, though inevitable, is immediately anxiety inducing. Though in these conversations I can describe the sort of job I would like, getting to this point was not easy – and not because I had no clue as to sort of the career route I wanted to go down. 

This reminds me of a conversation I had with a friend from home over the summer, who studies Law at Cambridge. After comparing parallel stories about the people we had met and catching up about the academic year that had past, she began to tell me about the deadlines she had missed for internships. She didn’t know where to look and when to apply, whilst other people on her course were being paid to go and work at a family member’s law firm. Rather fittingly, we concluded that career-hunting as the first member of your family to go to Oxbridge was in her words, a ‘one-woman mission.

Being an Oxbridge graduate is said to open doors – but not if you don’t know which doors to push. Thinking about careers requires a specific type of cultural knowledge. Undoubtedly, you can learn it yourself, but it is a world facilitated by familial connection and London-centeredness. I can speak to people at employment events and add as many people I want on LinkedIn, but the next person will not have to – and this is not fair.

So many of the industries that are consistently name-dropped are, to me, entirely enshrouded in mystery. Despite many of my friends attempting to explain to me what ‘consulting’ actually is, I still don’t fully understand – my favourite explanation so far, though, was that it is a ‘glorified pyramid scheme’. This could be because of my own ignorance, sure, but I wonder if it points to a slightly more significant issue.

Oxford is changing. Every year, the percentage of students from state-schools increases and the student body diversifies. Yet, when we are here, and we are on the brink of leaving the place we worked so hard to get into, there seems to be a void. The industries that want Oxbridge graduates still feel out of reach and unlike our University, they are still dominated by people from high socio-economic backgrounds and private schools. An Oxbridge degree will, ideally, let us get there regardless – but I doubt that the imposter syndrome I felt for years at Oxford will disappear anytime soon.

Even though I can attend networking events and add as many people as I want on LinkedIn, it is still just that – a ‘one woman mission’. I worry that even if I can enter the job sector I dream of, I won’t love it for long, and instead be clouded by imposter syndrome in an industry that was not made to include the voices of people like me.

Image credit: Janay Symonette/CC BY-SA 4.0 via Wikimedia Commons

University refused St Benet’s £40m lifeline…but why?

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The University of Oxford blocked a £40 million rescue offer to keep St Benet’s Hall open this summer. Instead it closed on 7th October 2022.  

John Barry, a businessman, offered to donate the multi-million pound sum to save St Benet’s Hall. He is the CEO of Prospect Capital, an $8.4 million investment company. 

The money was enough to sort out the College’s existing financial issues, grant the hall an endowment, introduce scholarships for poorer students, and give everyone a pay rise. 

The university’s statement confirmed this donation was refused owing to concerns over “ongoing financial uncertainty.” 

An Oxford University spokesman, similarly, said, “The university did not feel that the offers provided sufficient assurance of the long-term sustainability and independence of the hall.” 

Oxford’s vice chancellor wrote that attempts to save St Benet’s failed due to unease over “financial sustainability” and concerns “donors sought to influence aspects of the student experiences, nature and ethos of the hall.” 

The College’s independence was a pressing fear in negotiations. Those involved asked “How do we ensure this board will stay independent?” 

The university also refused to countenance the original board in negotiations. Instead Master, Richard Cooper, set up a new board to ensure no undue influence. However even this proposal was rejected at a University Council meeting on 9th May. Richard Cooper was “shocked” by this move. 

However Barry has countered claims he sought influence over the running of the college. He did not want to influence any “governance issues and issues having to do with education, teaching and scholarship.” He was “prepared to provide funding on terms that should have been acceptable to St Benet’s leadership and to the leadership of the university. These terms did not involve ‘control’ by me or ‘undue influence’ of any type.” He only asked for the names of the future board members to whom he was handing over £40 million. 

Barry Cooper confirmed, “To this day, I have been given no reason for the rejection of my offer.” He was given a statement concerning an “absence of adequate finance” when he questioned the decision. 

Oxford donations are reviewed by a whole committee. However one source involved in this investigation told the Spectator Barry passed “with flying colours”. 

Henry Woudhuysen was head of the committee which represents colleges to the university. He thought the Barry proposal “was more than appropriate, something that would really benefit the university.” 

A spokesman for the university told Barry Cooper: “The university did not feel that the offers provided sufficient assurance of the long-term sustainability and independence of the Hall.” Yet the university refused to explain why it felt the Barry was a threat to the Hall’s independence. 

Learning this, a student from St Benet’s, commented: “I don’t understand why the University would wait for Benet’s to pursue potential options for donors if it would end up rejecting these options anyway. I almost seems like they delayed starting the reallocation process in order to appear credible in giving the Hall a chance to be saved.”

Robert George, a Princeton professor and well-known public intellectual in the US, was in conversation with Barry, involved trying to save Benet’s. However, when he came to Oxford in March to be involved in negotiations rumours were spreading that he was an employee of John Barry so potentially compromised. He reflected there were simply a lot of people in Oxford “who would like to see Benet’s fail.” 

One St Benet’s fellow told the Spectator, “Increasingly the people who put themselves forward for Oxford’s committees dislike traditional Oxford and religious halls. These people tend to be more aggressively secular.” Jonathan Price, a fellow of St Cross College and Pusey House commented Oxford’s secularisation aligns with “centralisation and modernisation.” 

Albert Hawkins, reallocated to LMH, commented: “It is a great pity that a wonderfully diverse PPH, full of people from many different backgrounds and cultures, had to close – unnecessarily as it turns out. It sends a terrible message to would-be donors that the university can afford to decline major gifts. It is noted that new students were being allocated to Benet’s when the university knew that Benet’s was facing a degree of financial difficulty.”

Alexander Stafford, a former alumni, now Tory MP, commented, “The closure of the hall feels akin to losing a friend. It nourished me, forming who I am as a person. It is hard to believe the hall will no longer be there waiting for me. It was a truly wonderful place.” 

He finds the refused saving of the college “remarkable.” Mr Stafford feels “the university should have permitted the Hall to continue operating with its newly secured financial support. There needs to be a thorough and urgent examination of the reasons why this was not allowed to happen.” 

This decision also impacted many staff, academics and administrators, who lost their jobs. 

St Benet’s has sold its buildings to St Hilda’s College. Its two buildings were in central Oxford and thought to be worth millions of pounds.  

Editors note: This article was updated on Friday 14th October to correct an error that appeared in the print edition which suggested that it was St Benet’s Hall, rather than the University, which blocked the donation.

Image Credit: Janet McKnight/CC BY 2.0

Exclusive: The SU controversies that dogged Liz Truss’ time at Oxford

Cherwell can exclusively reveal that during her time at Oxford, Liz Truss was involved in several damaging Student Union (OUSU) controversies, including the alleged mishandling of an LGBTQ+ welfare issue and an attempt to abolish the SU’s Women’s VP position.

After being approached on the SU helpline for an LGB welfare rep [as it was called at the time], Truss reportedly yelled across the room “is there anyone here from the LGB?”, which the distressed caller heard. This instance of carelessness led to a formal investigation. Instead of apologising, she branded this as a personal attack describing it as a “petty device” that targeted her for having different political convictions. The Welfare Officer at the time, Ros Wynne-Jones, clarified that the matter would have been dealt with in the same manner irrespective of Truss’s involvement as it was first and foremost a welfare issue. Yet, it became an issue “squeezed out by the orthodoxy of intolerance”, as Akaash Maharaj, the OUSU president put it, and was thenceforth forgotten.

When Balliol’s 1994 JCR committee proposed the abolition of their college’s Women’s Officer on grounds that it was “unfair and patronising that a single special-interest group should be given restricted representation on the JCR committee”, Liz Truss, the OUSU’s Executive Officer at the time, was vocally supportive of the motion. She claimed in The Oxford Student that the role of Women’s Officer was “patronising and sexist” arguing for “less women in women’s groups and more in the main political arena”. The Vice-President (Women) of the SU called this “very short-sighted and a huge step backwards” especially in macho 1990s Oxford.

A year later, Truss also slammed the position of VP (Women), calling it “completely undemocratic” as it was elected by only the women’s committee. Simultaneously, she questioned whether the OUSU was “representative of student opinion”. Her proclamation was evidently at odds with the general student feeling and the role of women’s officer was reaffirmed by an overwhelming majority. A few years later, Oxford East MP Annalise Dodds, was elected president of the SU. Dodds is currently the Shadow Secretary of State for Women and Equalities – a position simply called ‘Minister of Equalities’ in the government cabinet.

Along with her activities in OUSU, Truss was involved in two different Oxford political societies. She started out as a member of the Oxford Liberal Democrat Society, rose to President and later changed allegiances and became a supporter of the Conservative Party. The OUSU quickly distanced themselves from the issues surrounding Liz Truss’s actions and in the last month, Liberal Democrats did the same. After Truss took up the premiership, Oxford Lib Dems (OULD) had one thing to say: “sorry” (Tweet from 06/09/22).

The Lib Dems are not the only ones feeling the need to apologise on the PM’s behalf. Her old Merton Politics tutor, Marc Stears, opened up earlier this year about observing Truss in her Oxford years. He remembered that “she almost never backed down” and yet, she also had “a capacity to shift, unblinkingly, from one fiercely held belief to another”. Stears worries that this approach leads one to neglect the wisdom of those with more experience and expertise.

The Student Union conflicts involving Truss sparked other significant debates on freedom of speech and political correctness within the OUSU; issues which have only grown since she left Oxford. At the time, a 1994 letter to the editor that argued against the anti-Truss backlash also claimed that ‘inverted prejudice and political intolerance’ must be overcome in order to make the OUSU relevant again. The extent to which personal proclamations that conflict with the official policy of the SU should be allowed became a cause for deliberation. Questions were also raised over whether the source of these remarks should be clarified. The president of the Student Union at the time claimed that suppressing self-criticism would only harm the SU, and that internal debate is fundamentally valuable; the opinion’s level of merit is irrelevant. However, he did accentuate that the organisation’s reputation was “invariably the loser”.

Truss graduated from Oxford with a degree in PPE in 1996. She has described her university-aged self as a “professional controversialist”.

The battle for our screens

The logical position seems to be that streaming will kill off cinema. Watching a film from your sofa is much more convenient than going out to the cinema, and often works out much cheaper. Instead, I would argue that streaming and the cinema will enter a symbiotic relationship.

Matt Damon, while eating some wings, explained that the reason studios don’t take chances on smaller movies anymore was because of the rise of streaming and the death of the DVD. A film used to generate revenue at the box office and also in the form of DVDs. 

But streaming killed the DVD. In the UK, the Subscription Video on Demand (SVoD) market (streaming services) rose from <£1mn in 2009 to £495mn in 2018; the physical video rental market fell from £200mn to £30mn, and physical video film sales fell from £1.31bn to £451mn in the same time period. Films no longer generate that second form of revenue. 

Growth of the theatrical release market has stagnated over that period too. While box office revenue has increased about 16%, the revenue-per-film has decreased from £2.23mn to £1.66mn. 

A cinema’s success depends on the performance of each particular film. Blockbusters like No Time to Die helped the recovery of the cinema in the “post-pandemic” era. Blockbusters reliably attract customers, so they can help offset the risks associated with playing a less-publicised film. 

Conversely, a service like Netflix only generates income through subscriptions. While a successful hit like Squid Game can attract more subscribers, it does not generate revenue itself. 

As producers of exclusive Netflix content did not reap any rewards for success, there was no incentive to generate quality content, and since a bad movie generates as much direct revenue as a good one on a streaming service (i.e., none), Netflix felt it could afford to take a chance on a wide array of content. 

Such a subscription model suited Netflix very well. Until it didn’t. Over the past year, Netflix’ share price has fallen ~63% since the beginning of the year. Their growth has stagnated, and they lost 970,000 subscribers in the second quarter of this year. Their production costs are huge, so while they had a positive cash balance at the end of the most recent quarter of ~$6bn, their streaming content obligations represent a future cash outflow of $16bn payable over the next three years. Moreover, Netflix’ growth opportunities have been threatened by other major SVoD players entering the scene. The fragmentation of the market makes it harder for Netflix to acquire more subscriptions, as consumers have other options for content (and with current cost-of-living issues, having any service or more than one is more and more unlikely). So, investors are less convinced by Netflix’ growth-at-all-costs approach – the growth has shrunk, while the costs have increased. 

That’s where the theatrical-SVoD hybrid model comes in, where movies are released in theatres and then on subscription services, e.g., a film having a shorter theatrical run, before joining a subscription service’s content library, e.g., Marvel films joining Disney+ soon after leaving theatres. 

While subscriptions generate constant, recurring revenue, theatrical releases have the capacity to generate more revenue per title – Universal earned $500mn in 2020 from digital titles, while Avengers Endgame made $800mn at the domestic box office. So, while there are risks and costs associated with theatrical releases, including the risk of poor performance killing interest or marketing costs, a successful film can constitute a major payday and attract interest to the service, providing a new growth opportunity.

Successful hybrid releases would 1) generate their own revenue, paying for themselves and other titles, and 2) attract subscribers for the platform. And the box office may have taken a hit during Covid-19, but in the UK at least, it was still worth a sizeable £556mn post-pandemic. On the consumer side, direct revenue from titles would encourage greater quality, and would give wider access to content in the form of cinemas. 

The theatrical release is not dead. And the subscription market is threatened by itself. But if the two were to combine successfully, it would not only be mutually beneficial for them, the consumer would also win out in the end.  

Image: CC2:0 via Unsplash